Reinventing the Conservative Element of Power

The change of party identity in 2008 is more than just a political realignment from Republican to Democrat with an eventual cyclical swing back to Republican.

As it was at the founding of our nation, the power structure is dependent on The People buying-in to the structuring of its elements that are not properly identified by party identification. Foremost among The People's concerns was that The Revolution should not result in a strong central authority that will tax them into subjugation, and Jefferson warned of the effects of a Hamiltonian economic structure that would be very well realized by mid-Nineteenth Century in which The People were literally starving in the streets. Hardly the model of the General Welfare and a perfecting of the union.

Rejection of the conservative ideal is by deliberate cognition. We should not allow it to be reinvented in the guise of party realignment to cause a retrenchment of conservative principles, and the party apparatus that administers them, as We have in the past.

Disconfirmation of the conservative means-to-ends legitimacy has been declared by a collective action of non-consent. It is now necessary to restructure the elements of power so that its means-to-ends hypothesis is the clearly verifiable legitimacy of a popular consent, not the declaration of a power elite validated by authority of a controlled public process.

Where the conservative element of power originated with the nascent consent of the governed within a newly established nation with the promise of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, it has been rendered to be but by the consent of a ruling class of would-be kings, just as Jefferson surmised.

Freedom, sovereignty, is not bestowed, protected and defended from the top down. It is simply practiced from the bottom up. Structures that impede pluralistic processes of power must be eliminated if We want freedom. The first step, the political will, has been taken to reject the principles of conservatism in which the consolidation of power is legitimized by the nascent consent of the governed.

Rather than reinvented to once again assume the thrown of a popular consent by the partisan processes of collective identity, the conservative element of power is to be properly placed within the structure of power. It has properly earned its place at the fringe of credible political-economic theory and practice.

The conservative model of power provides us with what We should not do, and very surely indicates what we should.

Toggling party alignment is no substitute for a logically positive intelligence of The People toward a verifiable continuous improvement. Realignment of the party identifier is just a verifiable means to secure the ends of the status quo ante.

The change we need eminates from the decisive consent of the governed extending from the individual to identify the state rather than the public processes of the state giving identity to The People. One is a will to subjugation, the other is the will to freedom that is the clearly identifiable Will of The People that identifies the state with a properly clear and verifiable means-to-ends legitimacy.

The success of pursuing life, liberty and happiness is not the successful subjugation of The People so to define yourself as the rightful owner of consolidated wealth and power, having then earned identity as the power elite with the capacity to determine the extent, the opportunity, for The People's right to self-determination. The available choice, and the citizen's identity, is defined by a dummy variable, just like two-party politics, of compliance or non-compliance (no reward) with the satus quo ante. The election of 2008, however, has rewarded the choice of non-compliance the impetus for change empowered with the the force and legitimacy of publiv authority.

The Right to Self-Determination is every bit a Natural Right, forever poised to assert itself, by means of our own choosing, one way or another whether the proponents of the elitist (Hamiltonian) model of power like it or not. Resisting what is morally imperative by operation of our intellect (allowing for by administering to the collective wisdom, the General Will, and benefit, of The People) needlessly imperils civil society with punctuated events of natural correction typically characterized by needless suffering.

The suffering that accompanies the choice to ignore the righteousness of pluralistic means to ends is what The Constitution of the United States, to which our leadership swears to protect and defend, is fully designed to prevent. It provides us with the choice of freedom in our natural condition of a political self-determination, not to be improperly confused with, as conservatives would like us all to believe, socialism.

Conservatives that operate with the principle of rightfully subjecting The People to the reward of their rule apply a means to ends that is antithetical to our constitutional form of government. Self rule is not verified as a limited, exclusive reward of determining the self of others and crowning yourself the ruling class.

Our current economic crisis--rising prices, falling incomes, loss of savings and unemployment for The People (Reaganomics)--is not the result of a beneficent ruling class. No. It is the result of a maleficent class of elits determined to deprive The People to confirm and sustain what they consider the "rightful ownership" of your wealth in surplus.

The legitimacy of that surplused value, according to classical economic theory, is for reinvestment in YOU, not a reward of success to be horded and witheld by an elite to assume the role of tyrant (to govern with the sovereign right to rule) for the determination of YOUR fate and the opportunity to pursue YOUR life, YOUR liberty and YOUR happiness (the Jeffersonian critique of the Hamiltonian economic model that conservatives call soicalism and a tyranny Jefferson knew ensuring pluralism operates to prevent). It is an illegitimate model of power that neither extends from The People or protects them from enemies either foreign or domestic but, rather, operates to protect the enemies of civil society from the legitimate power, the legal sovereignty, of The People.

A peaceful and prosperous pluralism, a deconsolidation of power, ensuring power be exercised from the bottom up, aspiring to a more Jeffersonian form of government, is clearly in order as the change we need with the force and legitimacy of public authority.

We must be sure to understand the identity of the conservative element is entirely dependant on structuring the political-economic means of class society. Deprivation of The People, and the possibility of majority rule, is a necessary condition. It has always, and will always, result in economic crisis like what we have now because We cannot all be upper class by definition.

The conservative element will identify the measures required to eliminate the crisis as depriving you of the opportunity, the aspiration, to be upper class.

Understand that consolidation of wealth and power renders the opportunity for upward mobility virtually zero. Limiting opportunity is what it is designed and intended to do. Innovations are quickly consolidated and often its efficiency deprived to protect upper-class income at the expense of all other income classes. It is a virtual fraud. Consolidation of wealth and power ensures your being poorer, not richer in every respect, politically and economically.

The only way to ensure the wealth of our nation without events of punctuated crisis that make the rich richer and everyone else poorer is to ensure the deconsolidation of wealth and power. That will maximize the probability, the possibility, for the production of wealth, and the full and immediate effect of innovative efficiencies both in price and quality, with a secure stability, propogating throughout our global economy as the model of success.

Maximizing the opportunity for the production of the wealth of nations is the best way to protect ourselves from enemies both foreign and domestic. War and violence to secure an equitable share of the wealth, and power, is rendered obsolete. The distribution phase of the business cycle will not be dependant on a crisis phase of a cycle in which We keep making the same mistake over and over again, but the self-corrective, empirical means of forming a more perfect union with the operant means of a self-determination, and an intelligence that far exceeds the capacity of an exclusive, elitist access and administration of power.

Reinvention of the conservative element will be the opportunity that does not exist.